The 1906 Iranian Constitutional Revolution

Summary

This article explores one of the most significant events in modern Iranian history: the Constitutional Revolution of 1906. It examines the internal and external dynamics that led to the revolution, including Iran’s weakening in the 19th century across economic, educational, and military domains, and the growing influence of Britain and Russia. The article traces the roots of modernization efforts beginning with Abbas Mirza, continuing through Amir Kabir’s reforms, and culminating in the socio-political conditions that paved the way for constitutionalism. The study highlights how foreign concessions, economic dependency, and internal dissatisfaction—especially among the bazaar class—contributed to the rise of constitutional thought.

Keywords

1906 Constitutional Revolution, Naser al-Din Shah, Mozaffar al-Din Shah, Adalethane, Abbas Mirza, Amir Kabir

This article explores one of the most significant events in modern Iranian history: the Constitutional Revolution of 1906. Iran’s weakening in the 19th century across economic, educational, and military domains led to increased British and Russian influence in the region, reinforcing the belief that change in Iran was essential. The transformation efforts that began during Abbas Mirza’s era gradually accelerated, at times progressing slowly and at other times undergoing rapid shifts. This article investigates the historical roots of the 1906 constitutional movement.

Modernization in Iran gained momentum in the 19th century, driven by both internal and external dynamics. External forces included British and Russian interventions. The Treaties of Gulistan (1813) and Turkmenchay (1828) had profound impacts on Iran. Following these treaties, Russian influence grew rapidly, prompting Qajar rulers to initiate reform efforts to counterbalance it (Abrahamian, 1982, p. 52).

In 1809, the British signed a treaty with Iran to protect their colonial interests in India and supported Iran during its war with Russia. However, Iran lost to Russia, resulting in the Treaty of Gulistan in 1813. This marked the beginning of increasing British and Russian dominance, leaving Iran in a weakened position between two major powers (Doğan & Erdoğan, 2017, pp. 843–844). Russia aimed to expand its influence in northern Iran and reach warm waters via the Persian Gulf, while Britain sought to prevent any power from accessing the Gulf (Avery, 2008, p. 180). Iran subsequently adopted a policy of balancing between these powers to survive.

In response to external threats, Qajar rulers took steps toward modernization. Abbas Mirza was the first to act, aiming to restore Iran’s lost prestige through military reforms. Influenced by Ottoman Sultan Selim III, he established a new army modeled after the Nizam-i Cedid system (DİA, 1993, p. 27).

However, Abbas Mirza’s efforts did not last, and his military reforms faded before his death. He left behind Amir Kabir, a reformist familiar with the Ottoman Empire. Amir Kabir, aligned with Naser al-Din Shah’s vision, launched a series of reforms. The rise of the Babi uprisings and opposition to Amir Kabir led to his execution by Naser al-Din Shah. This marked a shift from rapid modernization to a more gradual approach (Abrahamian, 1982, p. 54).

Appointed as prime minister in 1848, Amir Kabir (1807–1852) had observed reforms in the Ottoman Empire and Russia. He sought to establish a centralized government, beginning with suppressing the Salari and Babi revolts. He aimed to reduce the clergy’s control over the state to facilitate reforms (Bolat, 2013, pp. 158–161).

At the time, Iran’s treasury was empty. Amir Kabir initiated financial reforms, including increasing provincial taxes, cutting salaries of officials, and reducing pensions. Due to poor infrastructure, tax collection was difficult, prompting the central government to send tax collectors to the provinces. These measures, however, created opposition against him (Encyclopaedia Iranica, n.d.-a).

In the military sphere, Amir Kabir continued Abbas Mirza’s efforts, establishing factories to supply the army and choosing Italian and Austrian advisors over Russian and British ones. Two of his most enduring reforms were the founding of Dar ul-Funun (a polytechnic school) and the launch of Iran’s first official newspaper, Ruznameh-ye Vaqaye-e Ettefaqieh. These initiatives introduced Western ideas and significantly contributed to Iran’s modernization (Encyclopaedia Iranica, n.d.-a).

Amir Kabir’s reforms faced resistance from various factions, including British and Russian interests and palace insiders. Eventually, under pressure from foreign powers and internal opposition led by Naser al-Din Shah’s mother Mehdi Ulya, Amir Kabir was executed on January 10, 1852. His death stalled Iran’s modernization efforts for years (Bolat, 2013, pp. 174–175).

In 1872, Iran faced a critical moment. Militarily weak and economically fragile, the country sought financial relief through concessions rather than tax reforms. A major concession was granted to Baron de Reuter, marking Iran’s first large-scale foreign concession. Although later revoked, it set a precedent for future concessions. Reuter was granted rights to extract minerals, build infrastructure, and develop industries over seven years (Abrahamian, 2014, pp. 52–53). The British surprisingly opposed the deal, and Russian agitation led to its cancellation (Encyclopaedia Iranica, n.d.-b).

Despite this, concessions continued. Roads were built, banks established with foreign support, telegraph lines installed, and steamships operated on the Karun River. These developments transformed Iran’s landscape and integrated it into the global capitalist economy (Abrahamian, 2014, pp. 49–52). While transportation improved, Iran’s traditional economy—based on agriculture and handicrafts—suffered. Cheap British goods disrupted local markets (Abrahamian, 1982, pp. 58–59). Once self-sufficient during the Safavid era, Iran became a semi-colony, forced to follow Western economic dictates. Internal dissatisfaction with economic policies under Naser al-Din Shah and Mohammad Reza Shah grew. The bazaar merchants, a key economic force, were negatively affected, weakening central authority and paving the way for constitutionalist ideas to take root (Foran & Afary, 1994, pp. 22–23).

Two Key Figures Leading Toward the Constitutional Movement: Jamal al-Din al-Afghani and Mirza Malkom Khan

Jamal al-Din al-Afghani is a prominent figure whose ideas, writings, and life left a lasting impact on Iran and the broader Islamic world. There is considerable speculation surrounding his identity—ranging from whether he was Sunni or Shia to debates about his birthplace (Karaman, n.d., pp. 456–466). For the purposes of this study, we rely on the institutional authority of Encyclopaedia Iranica and avoid contentious biographical details.

Afghani was born in Asadabad near Hamadan. After receiving traditional education in Iran, he continued his studies in Atabat. Due to his controversial views, he was either expelled or forced to leave various regions of the Islamic world. In India, he was influenced by the anti-British uprisings and adopted a strong anti-colonial stance. He later traveled to Mecca, Baghdad, and Istanbul, where he was expelled following a provocative speech (Encyclopaedia Iranica, n.d.-a).

His opposition to the Shah and British colonialism drew attention in Iran. The Shah viewed Afghani as a threat. In 1890, upon learning that the Shah intended to expel him, Afghani sought refuge in the shrine of Abdol Azim. However, he could not remain there long and fled to Iraq. During this period, Afghani supported the Tobacco Protest in Iran, adding a new dimension to the movement. His guidance led Mirza Hasan Shirazi to issue a fatwa against the tobacco concession, escalating tensions (Encyclopaedia Iranica, n.d.-a).

Between 1891 and 1892, while in England, Afghani continued publishing anti-Shah articles alongside Malkom Khan. He contributed to Malkom Khan’s newspaper Kanun. Upon invitation, Afghani traveled to the Ottoman Empire and became involved in a major incident in Iranian history. He allegedly encouraged Mirza Agha Khan Kirmani to assassinate Naser al-Din Shah, who was killed during the 50th anniversary of his reign at the Abdol Azim shrine. This claim remains controversial (Karacan, 2013, p. 139). Iran held Afghani responsible and requested his extradition along with three associates. The Ottoman Empire surrendered the three but refused to hand over Afghani, citing his Afghan nationality. Afghani lived a few more years and died of cancer in 1897 (Karacan, 2013, p. 139).

In his doctoral thesis on the 1906 Iranian Constitutional Revolution, Osman Karacan compares Afghani and Malkom Khan. He concludes that Afghani did not aim to import Western values into Iran but rather emphasized Islamic unity, anti-colonialism, and criticism of the Shah. While some argue he did not support constitutionalism, others claim he was a defender of it. Regardless, his activism resonated widely and helped pave the way for the constitutional movement (Karacan, 2013, pp. 139–140).

Mirza Malkom Khan was born in 1833 in Isfahan to an Armenian family. He studied in France from 1843 and began reform efforts upon returning to Iran. In 1858, he authored Kitabche-ye Ghaybi or Defter-e Tanzimat, a foundational text advocating systematic reform. That same year, he founded Faramoshkhaneh (“House of the Forgotten”), Iran’s first Masonic lodge (Karacan, 2013, p. 144). Unlike the later Lodge of Awakening Iran, Faramoshkhaneh was not affiliated with European lodges. The latter was reportedly founded under French influence (Encyclopaedia Iranica, n.d.-b).

Iranian diplomats, intellectuals, and others who traveled abroad encountered Freemasonry in cities like London, Paris, and Istanbul. Freemasonry became widespread among Iran’s elite, and Faramoshkhaneh reportedly had around 30,000 members (Dur, 2017, p. 20).

Defter-e Tanzimat is considered the first systematic call for reform in Iran. In it, Malkom Khan warned that without urgent reforms, Iran would be occupied by foreign powers. He advocated for public welfare and equal citizenship. However, the clergy opposed his views, and rumors of collaboration with European Freemasons led Naser al-Din Shah to shut down Faramoshkhaneh (Abrahamian, 1982, pp. 65–66).

One notable account about Freemasonry in Iran comes from historian Ismail Rain. During a visit to a law faculty, he overheard a student asking a bookseller why no comprehensive work on Freemasonry in Iran existed. Inspired by this question, Rain embarked on a 17-year research project, culminating in a multi-volume work (Rain, 1987, pp. 3–4). He noted the difficulty of accessing Masonic documents due to their secrecy and the need to either join the organization or find alternative means (Dur, 2017, p. 20). Studying this work is crucial for understanding the era.

In Europe, Iran’s backwardness was often attributed to religion and race. Malkom Khan rejected this view, blaming instead “narrow-mindedness” and “political despotism.” Unable to operate freely in Iran, he continued publishing his ideas through the Kanun

A Constitutional Rehearsal: The Tobacco Protest

In 1891–92, Naser al-Din Shah’s decision to grant a tobacco concession to Major Talbot sparked nationwide outrage. Merchants in Shiraz, led by Haji Abbas, closed the bazaar in protest. This act quickly spread to other markets across the country. Haji Seyyed Ali Akbar declared from the pulpit that if foreign representatives came to Shiraz for tobacco, he would declare jihad. Although he was later exiled, the anti-tobacco uprising began to sweep through Iran (Algar, 1990, p. 309).

The closure of bazaars in other cities negatively impacted the economy. The merchants received support from the clergy, who were also disturbed by growing Western influence and the Shah’s policies. The first fatwa came from Mirza Hasan Shirazi, who, influenced by Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, issued a ruling against tobacco. This gave moral legitimacy to the merchants’ movement. Later, a fatwa was issued in Tehran declaring tobacco use forbidden under any circumstances. The origin of this fatwa remains debated, but it was quickly reproduced and distributed nationwide (Algar, 1990, pp. 315–317). Ervand Abrahamian viewed this event as a rehearsal for the constitutional movement, as it united various segments of society around a common cause and demonstrated that the Shah’s reign was at risk if he ignored public demands (Abrahamian, 1982, p. 73).

Constitutionalism Through Collective Action

Feridun Adamiyat argued that the Constitutional Revolution was the result of cooperation among four distinct social groups: the clergy, merchants, intellectuals, and the masses. Merchants provided economic support, the clergy gave religious legitimacy, intellectuals contributed scholarly influence, and the masses served as instruments of mobilization (Adamiyat, 1940, pp. 147–150).

The Turkish Language Association defines constitutionalism as: “A form of government in a monarchy where the ruler governs under a parliamentary system” (TDK, n.d.).

The term “constitutionalism” was first used in the Islamic world by the Ottoman Empire. Iran adopted the term from the Ottomans, particularly through reports by Mirza Hossein Khan Sepahsalar, who had served in the Ottoman Empire (Dilek, 2007, p. 51). Iran closely followed developments in the Ottoman realm.

The Final Push Toward Constitutionalism

In 1905, an economic crisis intensified. The public blamed Belgian advisor Naus and demanded his dismissal. While the Shah was abroad, he signaled that he would accept the protesters’ demands. A caricature of Naus dressed as a cleric was posted in the streets, fueling public anger. He was accused of betraying “the principles of Shiism,” and Muslims were called to kill him. Naus requested resignation, but the Shah praised him and urged him to ignore the protests. However, unrest continued. When Naus was not removed, the public, led by Tabatabai and Behbahani, marched to the shrine of Abdol Azim (Adamiyat, 1940, pp. 152–155).

At the same time, the Russo-Japanese War broke out, and Japan emerged victorious. Many believed Russia’s defeat stemmed from its despotic regime, reinforcing the idea that tyranny leads to inevitable failure (Dilek, 2007, pp. 55–56).

Another incident that inflamed public sentiment was the flogging of two respected merchants by the governor of Tehran over sugar prices. One of the victims was elderly and highly esteemed. This event was one of the reasons why people, including clerics and other social groups, gathered at the Abdol Azim shrine. There, they presented four demands to the Shah: the dismissal of Naus, implementation of Sharia law, establishment of a justice house (Adalethane), and removal of the governor. Initially, the Shah resisted but eventually conceded. The protesters then returned to Tehran (Abrahamian, 1982, pp. 80–83).

The Rise of Constitutionalism vs. Religious Conservatism

As the demand for justice evolved into a demand for constitutionalism, opposition emerged from cleric Sheikh Fazlollah Nuri. He supported the idea of a justice house but wanted governance based on Sharia. He viewed constitutionalism as a Western and un-Islamic concept (Ensari, 1990, p. 19). Adamiyat noted that intellectuals distrusted the justice house and instead demanded a parliament and national assembly (Adamiyat, 1940, p. 158). The intellectuals saw salvation in constitutionalism and the elimination of despotism. This led to a confrontation between Sheikh Fazlollah Nuri and other clerics. Eventually, Nuri was executed for opposing the constitutionalists.

During this turbulent period, Ehtesham al-Saltaneh returned from Germany, and the Shah asked him to prepare a report on reforming the state. He emphasized the need to reform the financial system and establish a national assembly. He told the Shah that if he truly wanted progress, he must abide by the assembly’s decisions. This implied limiting the Shah’s powers. Prime Minister Ayn al-Dawla warned the Shah that the assembly was a pretext to overthrow the Qajar dynasty. But the Shah responded: “Western monarchs govern their states through national assemblies; their power and independence surpass ours.” This statement was later published in the city (Adamiyat, 1940, pp. 159–160). On August 5, 1906, the Shah ordered the opening of the assembly, marking the success of the constitutional movement.

Conclusion

While examining this topic, I realized the significance of Iran’s geographic proximity to the Ottoman Empire. In the past, ideas did not spread as rapidly as they do today, making geographic closeness crucial. Iran was heavily influenced by the Ottoman Empire, and mutual interaction occurred. Reform movements in the Ottoman Empire were closely monitored through reports. The Ottomans were not indifferent to developments in Iran, and vice versa. Another notable observation is the similarity of events. Shortly after the Tanzimat reforms in the Ottoman Empire, Iran published its first systematic reform proposal titled Defter-e Tanzimat. This clearly reflects a pattern of mutual influence.

References

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Ozan Dur

Türkiye based Middle East Researcher

Translated by ia