Reza Shah's Iron Fist

Introduction

This article will briefly discuss the Reza Shah period. As the scope of the article is necessarily limited, we have found it appropriate to draw attention to some of the events that we deem important. Reza Shah's name in Iranian history is associated with Centralization and Modernization. The fact that Ervand Abrahamian titled the chapter about Reza Shah in his book, A History of Modern Iran, "Reza Shah's Iron Fist" is also noteworthy. As is known, for centuries, Iran lacked a central government. The dangerous consequences of the absence of a central government were evident in Iranian history. Specifically, the relatively independent structures of the tribes were perceived as a threat to Iran. Reza Shah is an important figure who, in such a period, resorted to a series of reforms to strengthen Iran, both internally and externally, and was influenced by Turkey while implementing these reforms.

Keywords: Reza Shah, Pahlavi Dynasty, Modernization of Iran, Anglo-Soviet Invasion, Cossack Brigade, Centralization.

Reza Shah was born in 1878 in the village of Alasht, Mazandaran, and passed away on July 26, 1944, in South Africa, where he was exiled (Kurtuluş, 2008, s. 67). Losing his father, who came from a military background and was a soldier from a young age, he joined the Cossack Brigade where his uncle was stationed in 1891. Thanks to his "talent" and "hard work," he quickly rose through the ranks and achieved important positions (Kurtuluş, 2008, s. 67). The Bolshevik Revolution, which occurred after the revolution that caused some relief for Iran, led to an increase in British influence in Iran. With the help of the British, he managed to remove Bolshevik supporters from the Cossack Brigade. Furthermore, his participation in suppressing the Jangali Revolt, which took place a year after the revolution, is significant (Kurtuluş, 2008, s. 67).

There is not much information available about his family. His father passed away at a young age, and there are claims that his family origins are Turkish or Pashtun. Reza Khan voluntarily became a soldier in his youth with the help of his uncle and subsequently rose in the military profession (Axworthy, 2016, s. 275).

One of the important figures who encouraged Reza Khan on the path to the coup and becoming the Shah was William Edmund Ironside. He began his duty as the British Commander in Iran in October 1920 and continued until February 18, 1921. During his time there, based on advice, he appointed Reza Khan as the head of the Cossack Brigade. Following the Russian Revolution of 1917, he purged many Bolshevik supporters from the Cossack Brigade due to the Bolshevik threat. The reason he also encouraged Reza Khan to carry out the coup in 1921 was the Bolshevik threat. Ironside, who did not want Iran to be occupied by the Bolsheviks, encouraged Reza Khan to occupy Tehran because he wanted a strong military government in Tehran after imposing a few conditions on Reza Khan. He believed that only a strong military government could counter the Bolsheviks. He conditioned Reza Khan not to harm British soldiers during their withdrawal and not to overthrow Ahmad Shah. Reza Khan accepted these conditions (Encyclopaedia Iranica, n.d.-b).

There was one more person who helped Reza Khan carry out the coup: Seyyed Zia Tabatabai. Seyyed Zia, a young journalist at the time, was pro-British. Ironside provided arms and financial aid to Reza Khan for the coup to be successful. After the coup succeeded, Reza Khan appointed Seyyed Zia as Prime Minister and distributed some of the money as bonuses to the Cossacks (Abrahamian, 2014, s. 86).

While marching toward Tehran, Reza Khan told the arriving delegates that his aim was to protect the country and Ahmad Shah against the Bolshevik threat. He also openly declared that he was pro-British. His goal was to raise an army to fight the Bolsheviks after the British withdrew from the region. After the coup succeeded, to deceive the Bolsheviks, he announced the cancellation of the 1919 Anglo-Persian Agreement. A pro-Russian and anti-British image was projected. The Soviet-Iranian Treaty was signed, and thus the Soviets agreed to leave Gilan and cancel other concessions and credits, except for the fishing concession. They reserved the right for the Soviets to respond in case another country violating Iran's security occupied Iran and had the potential to "intimidate" the Soviets. This was because it was beneficial for both sides. Thus, Iran also had a back-up in case of danger (Abrahamian, 2014, s. 86–87).

After taking control of Tehran, prominent politicians and figures were arrested in the absence of resistance and with the idea of obtaining financial gain. The assets of the arrested politicians were seized. Martial law was declared across Tehran. The Shah gave Reza Khan the title of Sardar-i Sepah and appointed him as the army commander and also appointed Seyyed Zia as Prime Minister. He appointed people of military background as governors for Tehran and its surrounding area. Thus, those without a military background were removed (Encyclopaedia Iranica, n.d.-a).

When the coup was first carried out, many people thought that the British were behind the coup. Moreover, we mentioned that the Cossack Brigade received financial aid and logistical support from the British. The Cossack Brigade boasted about the British support they received. Seyyed Zia was one of those who relied on British support. After forming his cabinet, he thought the British would extend a helping hand for the reforms he planned to carry out; priority was given to the army in these reforms. However, things did not go as he planned, and his opponents caused his cabinet to fall in a short period of 3 months and go into exile. Thus, Reza Khan's power increased even further (Encyclopaedia Iranica, n.d.-a).

While Reza Khan was gaining power, Ahmad Shah was losing power. Perhaps one of the important events and turning points that occurred during this period was hidden in the message secretly sent by Mohammad Ali Foroughi to the embassies. Apparently, a celebration and salutation are organized in the palace every year during Nowruz as usual. In his message written in 1924, Foroughi said the following: "Since Ahmad Shah and the Crown Prince do not have authority in Nowruz 1303, the celebration will not be organized" (Safayi, 1344, s. 527). From this information, it is understood that the Shah and the Crown Prince have been sidelined. That is, they are about to completely lose their authority.

While all this was happening, Ahmad Shah was on a trip abroad, and Hasan Mirza was in his place. In 1924, at a time when Ahmad Shah was abroad, Reza Khan took the title of Hazrat-i Ashraf. Before becoming Shah, i.e., before overthrowing Ahmad Shah and the Qajar dynasty and becoming Reza Shah, he formed two more cabinets (Varedi, 1992, s. 78).

After taking power, Reza Shah would remain on the throne for about 16 years. During this time on the throne, he would do his best to make Iran a modern and strong state. When Reza Shah started his duty, Iran was without a central government. Due to the internal and external conflicts, the country's situation in economic, social, and health fields was very poor. Reza Shah thought that overcoming these could only be possible with a centralized and modern state (Abrahamian, 2014, s. 88). Ervand Abrahamian described Reza Shah in his work as follows:

Reza Shah, a man of few words, had neither the time for fine speech nor for philosophy or political theory. The watchwords of his ideological repertoire were order, discipline, and the power of the state. He identified himself with the monarchy, the monarchy with the state, and the state with the nation. He had no objection to invoking religion; he coined a three-word slogan for the state: Khoda (God), Shah (King), and Mihan (Homeland). Some would argue that as his power grew, the middle word eclipsed the other two. Yet, in Reza Shah's eyes, these three were so intertwined that to oppose him was to oppose the state, the nation, and even religion. In other words, political disagreement was synonymous with separatism and treason (Abrahamian, 2014, s. 89).

As can be understood from Ervand Abrahamian's words, he wanted a strong state. For this, he would first proceed to create a strong army and a central bureaucracy. It can be said that he achieved this goal. When he came to power, the number of soldiers in the army did not much exceed 22,000. But before he left the state, the number of the army had reached 127,000. Similarly, there was another institution that became more crowded when proportioned: "Bureaucracy". While in the 1921s there were mustawfis, munshis, and guildsmen working semi-independently with the state, before Reza Shah left, 90,000 salaried civil servants attached to 11 ministries were employed by the state. Furthermore, American Arthur Millspaugh was brought in as a consultant to regulate the state's finances (Abrahamian, 2014, s. 90).

It is emphasized that among the reasons for the increase in the number of the army in Iran was his desire to control the tribes. Furthermore, as a result of the strengthening of the bureaucracy and the army, Reza Shah was dreaming of a strong Iran. Ömer Faruk Görçün, in his work, states that Reza Shah saw Islam as the main factor in Iran's decline and, in contrast, tried to develop his country with secular reforms. He suggests that the reason for his failure was that he sought support from tribal forces instead of seeking support from the people. Subsequently, he evaluates his leaving the throne to his son as a big mistake. Because, according to him, Mohammad Reza is far from being a capable Shah (Görçün, 2008, s. 17–25).

In five years, he had managed to establish a brand-new treasury, abolish the tax farming system, update tax rates, put strict control on opium sales, and, an equally important job, make the mustawfis full-time civil servants. It did not take long for him to prepare Iran's first comprehensive annual budget. He received great support from Reza Shah in all of these, until the Shah decided there was only room for one shah in the country (Abrahamian, 2014, s. 90).

After Reza Shah came to power, border problems occurred between Turkey and Iran. Envoys were sent to solve these border problems. When Hüsrev Bey came to Turkey as an ambassador in 1932, Mustafa Kemal conveyed his request to meet with Reza Shah. When this request was conveyed to Reza Shah, Reza Shah declared his intention to come to Turkey. Later, the government invited Reza Shah to Turkey. This visit took place in 1934, and Reza Shah stayed in Turkey for about 25 days. After returning to his country, he accelerated his modernization efforts (Koca, 2013, s. 112–113).

Iran's situation during World War II was not good at all. When World War II broke out, the belligerent states requested that Iranian territory be used for supplying materials to the Soviets. Iran had adopted neutrality and was unwilling to accept this. Furthermore, the belligerent states demanded that Iran expel German citizens. When Iran also refused to accept this, the British and the Russians occupied the country from the south and the north. This occupation led to Reza Shah's abdication and his son Mohammad Reza succeeding him (Encyclopaedia Iranica, n.d.-c).

Ervand Abrahamian describes that period as follows:

The Anglo-Soviet invasion of 1941 ended Reza Shah, but not the Pahlavi state. In December of the same year, the Allies, which would include the United States, realized that they could use the Iranian state to achieve the two goals that led to their invasion. One of these was to seize physical control of the oil; the nightmare of the British in the Second and even the First World War was losing these vital resources. The second goal was to open a "land" corridor to the Soviet Union, as the other trade route, Arkhangelsk, was frozen most months of the year. Interestingly, the new roads along with the Trans-Iranian railway had made Iran a more attractive "corridor". According to the decision of the Allied states to facilitate the shipment of oil to Britain and supplies to the Soviet Union, Reza Shah would be removed, but his state would be preserved (Abrahamian, 2014, s. 129).

We also want to convey this situation in the words of Ashraf Pahlavi (Eşref Pehlevi’nin dilinden):

"The British indirectly made my father feel that they would only sit down at the negotiating table with three old politicians: Seyyed Zia al-Din Tabatabai, Qavam al-Saltaneh, and Zoka al-Mulk Foroughi.

Foroughi was unwilling to accept this responsibility, but my father sent a few people to him, and also he himself called Foroughi on the phone and asked him to sacrifice for our lands and become the prime minister.

I was also there the night my father spoke with Foroughi. I had never seen my father in such a state. He was accustomed to ordering and issuing commands, but that night his commands had turned into requests. When he finally persuaded Foroughi to accept the premiership, he was extremely happy. Then he called his private attendant and instructed him that since Foroughi was sick, his automobile could come up to the stairs of the palace. This was the highest degree of respect shown to Foroughi by my father. Until this day, no one had entered the grounds of the Sadabad Palace, not to mention coming up to the palace stairs.

My father thought that Foroughi would complain about how he had treated him and that he had executed his relative, but Foroughi did not utter a single word about these issues.

I don't have much information about what was discussed. The only thing I know is that when Foroughi left, my father's and Foroughi's eyes were filled with tears" (Varedi, 1992, s. 98–99).

From the available data, it is understood that Bullard is demanding Reza Shah's resignation and is meeting with Foroughi about this. Foroughi, despite being sick, comes to the palace to tell the Shah about this situation. When Foroughi arrives at the palace, he tells the Shah about the conversation he had with Bullard. It seems the Shah has a request: that his son succeed to the Iranian throne. After the Shah agrees to resign, the following conversation takes place between him and Foroughi, who has become, in effect, the person responsible for the state:

Shah: "After I resign, where will I live and who will cover the expenses?"

Foroughi: "Your Majesty, my opinion is that you should first reside in Isfahan, but the country's situation is clear, security has disappeared. The news of this in the country will disturb Your Majesty. The best thing is to choose a city with good air and water for residence. God willing, after the war ends, the Iranian nation will ask you to return to the country."

The Shah, with an ironic expression: "The Iranian nation, the Iranian nation."

The Shah continues: "Mr. Foroughi, I don't understand history and geography. You know these things. Tell me, where is suitable for me and my family to live?"

Foroughi mentions some cities and informs the Shah about their air and water. Reza Shah then continues:

Shah: "Such was my destiny" (Akili, 1370, s. 133–134). He finishes his sentence with this.

From this, it is understood that the Shah has accepted to leave and is asking where would be suitable for him. If the conveyed account is true, he seems to have lost hope in his own nation.

Arvand Abrahamian summarizes the last period of Reza Shah as follows:

On September 15, three weeks after the initial attack, Reza Shah abdicated in favor of his 21-year-old son Crown Prince Mohammad Reza and went into exile, first to the British-controlled area in Mauritius, and then to South Africa, where he would remain until his death in 1944. His army, equipped to cope with internal opposition but unprepared for foreign invasion, had resisted for only three days. Besides the Shah's abdication, the Allies had other demands. They demanded that he take his recalcitrant family members with him into exile. They arrested about two hundred Iranian officers and technicians and the Germans working on the railways as the Nazi "Fifth Column". They gained control of the main routes from the Gulf to the Soviet Union and, just like in the First World War, divided Iran into two zones. The north fell to the Russians, and the south, including the oil-producing lands, fell to the British. The Allies left the administration of the rest of the country to the central government. They had promised to protect Iran's territorial integrity, vowed to withdraw within six months after the war ended, supplied grain to the government to cope with the famine, and intimidated the tribes so that they would not cause trouble. Most importantly for the new Shah, they allowed him to keep 80,000 soldiers and 24,000 gendarmes in the armed forces (Abrahamian, 2014, s. 130).

One day, a phone call came to the house of Foroughi, a former prime minister and important figure. Foroughi's daughter answered the phone. Let's hear the subsequent events from Aqili: The voice on the phone said, "Is this Mr. Foroughi's house?" "The voice is me, Reza Pahlavi." "I want to talk with Foroughi" (Akili, 1370, s. 137).

Foroughi's daughter did not understand because he had simply said he was Reza Pahlavi, the great Shah. The daughter said to Foroughi, "Someone named Reza Pahlavi wants to talk to you" (Akili, 1370, s. 137).

The Shah said to Foroughi: "I am going to the Marble Palace, you come too, let's talk" (Akili, 1370, s. 137).

In response to this event, Foroughi immediately wrote on a piece of paper. On this paper, he wrote that Reza Shah had resigned. We assume that he understood this when the Shah referred to himself as Reza Pahlavi (Akili, 1370, s. 137).

Reza Shah then signed the resignation paper that Foroughi had written with his own hand and hugged his Crown Prince son and cried. After that, he said, "I had the necessary conversation with His Majesty yesterday, I entrust him to you and both of you to God." If Reza Shah had not resigned that day, the Russians and the British would have moved toward Tehran. Foroughi described those moments: "They were terrifying and unbearable moments. The farewell of the father and the son, neither of them had any information about what their fate would be..." (Akili, 1370, s. 138).

Foroughi had written Reza Shah's letter of resignation as follows:

"In the last few years, I have spent all my energy on the country's affairs and my strength is depleted. Now, the country's affairs and the welfare and happiness of the nation require a younger strength and body. Therefore, I entrust the country's affairs to the Crown Prince and my successor. Today is the twenty-fifth day of the month of Shahrivar... Marble Palace, 25 Shahrivar 1320, Signature" (Akili, 1370, s. 144).

Thus, Reza Shah was dethroned and his son Mohammad Reza succeeded him. Mohammad Reza was 21 years old when he ascended the throne. He had to govern Iran under very difficult conditions. The British and the Russians were occupying Iran during this period. Mohammad Reza Shah would rule the country until 1979. In 1979, although for different reasons, he would face his father's fate. He would lose the throne he inherited from his father and the Shah regime would be overthrown. In 1979, the Islamic Republic of Iran would be established and Khomeini would take charge.

Conclusion

Reza Shah came to power during a stormy period and was removed from power during an equally stormy period. The British and Russians, who occupied Iran during the First World War, were determined not to leave Iran. Reza Shah's pro-German policies had greatly alarmed the British and Russians. They could not think of any solution other than removing Reza Shah. Reza Shah, who came to power with a coup, was removed from power by a coup. The modern army he had established surrendered almost without a fight. He had consolidated his power by overthrowing the Qajars, and during his son's era, the Pahlavi period that Reza Shah founded was overthrown. His son, too, would be removed from power by almost repeating his father's words. He had contracted cancer and could no longer govern the country in his sick condition. Thus, the Pahlavi period came to an end.

📝 Kaynakça (References)

Akili, B. (1370). Zekaü’l-mülk Furuği ve Şehriyur 1320 (2. Baskı). İlmi. [Aqili, B. (1370). Zoka al-Mulk Foroughi and Shahrivar 1320 (2nd ed.). Ilmi.]

Abrahamian, E. (2014). Modern İran Tarihi (D. Şendil, Çev.). Türkiye İş Bankası. [Abrahamian, E. (2014). A History of Modern Iran (D. Şendil, Trans.). Türkiye İş Bankası.]

Axworthy, M. (2016). İran Aklın İmparatorluğu (Ö. Gitmez, Çev.). Say. [Axworthy, M. (2016). A History of Iran: Empire of the Mind (Ö. Gitmez, Trans.). Say.]

Encyclopaedia Iranica. (n.d.-a). Coup D’etat of 1299/1921. Erişim adresi: https://iranicaonline.org/articles/coup-detat-of-12991921 [Encyclopaedia Iranica. (n.d.-a). Coup D’etat of 1299/1921. Retrieved from https://iranicaonline.org/articles/coup-detat-of-12991921]

Encyclopaedia Iranica. (n.d.-b). Ironside, William Edmund. Erişim adresi: https://iranicaonline.org/articles/ironside-william-edmund [Encyclopaedia Iranica. (n.d.-b). Ironside, William Edmund. Retrieved from https://iranicaonline.org/articles/ironside-william-edmund]

Encyclopaedia Iranica. (n.d.-c). İran ii. Iranian History (2) İslamic Period. Erişim adresi: https://iranicaonline.org/articles/iran-ii-iranian-history-2-islamic-period [Encyclopaedia Iranica. (n.d.-c). Iran ii. Iranian History (2) Islamic Period. Retrieved from https://iranicaonline.org/articles/iran-ii-iranian-history-2-islamic-period]

Görçün, Ö. F. (2008). 1979 İran İslam Devrimi Sonrası Türkiye-İran İlişkileri. Beta. [Görçün, Ö. F. (2008). Turkey-Iran Relations After the 1979 Iranian Islamic Revolution. Beta.]

Koca, M. (2013). İran’da Rıza Şah Dönemi Modernleşme Hareketleri (1925-1941) [Yüksek Lisans Tezi, İnönü Üniversitesi]. [Koca, M. (2013). Modernization Movements in Iran During the Reza Shah Period (1925-1941) [Master's Thesis, İnönü University].]

Kurtuluş, R. (2008). Rıza Şah Pehlevi. Diyanet İslam Ansiklopedisi (Cilt 35, s. 67). Diyanet Vakfı. [Kurtuluş, R. (2008). Reza Shah Pahlavi. Diyanet Islamic Encyclopedia (Vol. 35, p. 67). Diyanet Foundation.]

Safayi, İ. (1344). Rehberan-ı Meşrute. Cavidan ilmi. [Safayi, I. (1344). Leaders of the Constitution. Javidan Ilmi.]

Varedi, A. (1992). Muhammed Ali Furughi, “Zuka Al-mulk (1877-1942): A Study In The Role Of Intellectuals In Modern Iranıan Politics” [Doktora Tezi, Utah Üniversitesi]. [Varedi, A. (1992). Mohammad Ali Furughi, “Zoka Al-mulk (1877-1942): A Study In The Role Of Intellectuals In Modern Iranian Politics” [Doctoral Dissertation, University of Utah].]

Rıza Han Pehlevi, Timurtaş ve Muhammed Ali Furuği (Doktor Musa Necefi ve Doktor Musa Fakih Hakani, Tarih-i Tehevvülât-ı Siyasi-i İran (Tahran: Müessese-i Mütalaat-ı Tarih-i Muasır-ı İran, 1392)

Reza Shah and Atatürk among Iranian and Turkish state officials. (Doktor Musa Necefi ve Doktor Musa Fakih Hakani, Tarih-i Tehevvülât-ı Siyasi-i İran (Tahran: Müessese-i Mütalaat-ı Tarih-i Muasır-ı İran, 1392)

A photograph of Reza Shah before heading from Isfahan towards Bandar Abbas.(Doktor Musa Necefi ve Doktor Musa Fakih Hakani, Tarih-i Tehevvülât-ı Siyasi-i İran (Tahran: Müessese-i Mütalaat-ı Tarih-i Muasır-ı İran, 1392)

Preparation for Mohammad Reza Pahlavi's royal oath, with Mohammad Ali Foroughi bowing in the photograph. (Doktor Musa Necefi ve Doktor Musa Fakih Hakani, Tarih-i Tehevvülât-ı Siyasi-i İran (Tahran: Müessese-i Mütalaat-ı Tarih-i Muasır-ı İran, 1392)

 Ozan Dur
Türkiye based Middle East and history researcher